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Republicans Must Deny Democrats the Votes They Need to Moderate the Reid Bill As we expected, the Democratic Leadership managed to muscle its caucus to get the Reid Healthcare Bill to the floor by voting for cloture on the motion to proceed. It would have been nice to strangle this ugly monster in the crib by defeating cloture but this is not the end of the fight to kill ObamaCare; it is really just the beginning. Republican Senators do not have enough votes to defeat the Reid Health Bill by themselves. It requires 41 votes to sustain a filibuster, and there are only 40 Republicans in the Senate. In other words, if both Senate Independents vote with the 58 Democrats on the Reid Bill, as they do usually, there would be 60 votes to pass the Reid Bill without the need of a single Republican vote. In reality, however, there are not 58 Democrats and two Independents willing to vote for the Reid Bill as it is currently configured. Two Democrats (Blanche Lincoln and Ben Nelson) and one Independent (Joe Lieberman) have announced that they will not vote for the bill as it is written currently, indeed all three have announced they will not even vote for cloture to shut off debate on the existing bill and move it to a vote on final passage. Therefore, in order to pass the Senate, the Reid Bill will have to be amended sufficiently to win over the recalcitrant Democrats and Independents. It is a certainty that any amendment sufficient to win over one or more Democratic or Independent holdouts will be sufficiently controversial that the amendment itself will require 60 votes to overcome a filibuster and be adopted. Indeed, at least one-perhaps two and maybe even three-such necessary amendments will be so controversial they will not likely receive the support of all 58 Democrats or both Independents. Michigan Senator Debbie Stabenow, for instance, says she will not support the Stupek language. For each more moderate Democrat or Independent an amendment wins over, it is guaranteed to lose at least one farther-left Democrat. Therefore, it almost certainly will be the case that one, two or three of the amendments necessary to make the bill acceptable to 58 Democrats and both Independents will require one or more Republican votes to make up for Democratic defections they are to be adopted. If Republicans refuse to give the Democratic Leadership their votes on these critical amendments, they will fail and hence the bill itself will fail for want or 60 votes to invoke cloture and move the bill to final passage where it will require only 50 votes to pass the Senate. That being the case, even though the Republican Conference does not have the votes to defeat the bill outright on final passage nor even to sustain a filibuster by itself, Republican Senators acting in concert do have it within their collective power to prevent the bill from being amended in a manner that would make it acceptable to 58 Democrats and both Independents. If Republicans hang together and deny Democrats the votes they need to make the bill acceptable to all Democrats and Independents, they can defeat the Reid Bill. If Republicans fail to hang together, they will be responsible for allowing the bill to pass the Senate and be enacted into law. It's that simple. To exercise the enormous power at their disposal, all Republican Senators must be prepared to deny the Democrats their "yea" on any amendments or motions that would improve the chances of the bill's garnering 58 Democratic and two Independents' votes on a final cloture vote to shut off debate on the bill and bring it to a vote on final passage. Two types of amendments in particular will require Republican Senators to vote "present" and perhaps even "no" to deny Democrats the votes they need to adopt amendments demanded by holdout Democratic Senators, namely amendments to provide anti-abortion Democrats (e.g., Ben Nelson) an anti-abortion fig leaf to hide behind and amendments to provide anti-public-option Democrats and Independents (e.g., Blanche Lincoln and Joe Lieberman) a fig leaf to hide behind so they can say they voted against the public option and government-run healthcare. These will be difficult votes for Republicans since some single-interest groups, anti-abortion groups in particular, will threaten to oppose Senators' re-election if they fail to vote for a fig-leaf amendment. The United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) will be particularly ruthless and relentless in pressuring Republicans to "improve" the bill by voting for language that reputedly (though not actually) will prevent a government-run healthcare system from becoming a wholesale abortion clinic. The USCCB is doubly intense about doing whatever it must to apply an anti-abortion fig-leaf amendment to the bill. First, USCCB intensely supports a government takeover of healthcare, and it will do anything it can to make sure a government takeover occurs. Hence, an anti-abortion fig-leaf amendment is a double benefit to the Bishops because second, they truly, though erroneously believe it is possible to restrain a government-run healthcare system once established from providing and facilitating abortion; it is not. The Bishops are deluding themselves and misleading the American public. Republicans must educate Catholics as well as non-Catholic opponents of abortion that the USCCB is wrong on both counts. In particular, it is incumbent upon Republicans to explain to the American public that the best, no the ONLY way to prevent a government-run healthcare system from turning into an wholesale abortion clinic is to prevent the government takeover of healthcare in the first place. As much as Republicans may not want to hear it, the fact is if opponents of government-run healthcare are to succeed in stopping a government takeover of the medical system, it is essential for all Republicans to stand shoulder to shoulder and refuse to lend the Democrats any votes to make the Reid Bill more likely to pass. Here is how Minority Leader Mitch McConnell can explain what they are doing:
Dr. Larry Hunter - Dr. Lawrence A. Hunter is President of the Social Security Institute, a 501(c)(4) non-profit organization, and Senior Fellow at Americans for Prosperity and the Institute for Policy Innovation where he does economic research and writes reports on a diverse range of public policy issues. Dr. Hunter has worked as a business and economic consultant for numerous private firms and non-profit organizations and served on the White House staff as a policy advisor to the president during President Ronald Reagan's second term. He was Chief Economist and political advisor for Jack Kemp at Empower America between 1996 and 2005. During the 1996 presidential campaign, he served as a member of Senator Bob Dole's Task Force on Tax Reduction and Tax Reform and on the National Commission on Economic Growth and Tax Reform. Dr. Hunter works closely with the congressional leadership and administration officials, testifies before Congress, speaks frequently before business and citizens groups, is quoted and published often in major newspapers and makes frequent television and radio appearances. During the 103rd and 104th Congresses, Dr. Hunter served on the staff of the Joint Economic Committee, first as Republican Staff Director and later as the Chief Economic Advisor to the Vice Chairman where he was the lead staffer in charge of putting together the economic growth and tax cut components of the Contract With America. Prior to joining the JEC staff in 1993, Dr. Hunter was with the U.S. Chamber of Commerce for five years where he served as Vice President and Chief Economist. In this capacity, Dr. Hunter managed a major division of the association and represented the Chamber on Capitol Hill, with the executive branch and in the media. Dr. Hunter appears frequently on television and on radio, writes regularly for major newspapers and periodicals and publishes extensive research on such diverse topics as economic growth, Social Security, Medicare, healthcare, tax reform and constitutional reform. Dr. Hunter is a graduate of the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee and holds a Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota. Dr. Hunter is married to Georganna F. Hunter, the father of nine children and seven grandchildren.
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